What is usually argued with respect to Iran’s goal in the pursuit of the Nuclear Program is either Iran seeks Nuclear capability only for scientific, medical and energy purposes or Iran intends to achieve Nuclear weapons. The former argument is made by Iran while the latter is done by the Western countries. This article proposes to explain two other goals i.e., Nuclear "lawful capability" and "full capability" as well. Our main question is that "What factors necessitate that the Islamic Republic of Iran seeks to achieve Nuclear "lawful capability"? The main hypothesis is posed in this paper is that the national security, mid-term foreign policy goals and the objectives of the Iranian Nuclear Program, require the achievement of Nuclear "lawful capability". "Preserving the status quo", is considered among Iran’s foreign policy objectives. Deterrence, enhancement of regional and foreign dignity and altitude, improvement of the level of development, role play in the form of an active regional and international actor and reaching a proper status and increase in the power of the Islamic world, are considered as objectives of Iranian Nuclear Program. This paper will also answer this question that "which strategy will provide these objectives? " and it will be argued that the strategy of "comprehensive engagement" is the option taken by Iran against the West. In such strategy, all important bilateral and comprehensive issues are on the table for negotiation.

Since 2002, Iran's Nuclear Program has been the most important topics in international level. Since the introduction of this Program, led by the United States and other Western countries, a backlash against it has been started and consequently the Western media and the International Atomic Energy Agency have aggrandized it and have tried to show it as threat. The aim of this paper is to study the role of Western media and the International Atomic Energy Agency on securitization and aggrandizement of Iranian Nuclear Program to their audience in the past ten years. This study seeks to answer the questions; how were the Western media and International Atomic Energy Agency's approach in securitization of Iran’s Nuclear activities? Why top Western newspapers and International Atomic Energy Agency have used negatively charged words and phrases to show Iranian peaceful Nuclear Program as threat? The Research hypothesis states that the selected Western media editorials (Wall Street Journal, Guardian, Washington Post, and Daily Telegraph) as well as IAEA have tried to construct a connection between world security and Iran's Nuclear Program. The questions and hypothesis would be evaluated in a cross-sectional manner. In this study, the Copenhagen school is used as a theoretical framework.

This paper suggests how, over time, a state like Iran could deliberately develop a number of different reputations in connection with international law and international relations. The theoretical and empirical findings confirm the hypothesis that states with a weak reputation in both international law and international relations should probably put more emphasis on reputation building for ‘esolve’ rather than for ‘ompliance’ if intended to get the results in the short term. Using reputation as a causal variable to explain Iran‘s status in the international arena, one could find out that reputational sanctions imposed on Iran, is actually due to its reputation for resolve and toughness in international relations. The paper not only justifies why states, as rational actors, change their dispositional behavior in security area but also provides an empirical study into the analysis of the interdisciplinary function of reputations in this area.

The objective of this paper is to provide an overview of various approaches on Iran's Nuclear Program and the frameworks within which the approaches can be located. It first addresses different views held in relevant think tanks and academic circles in the U.S. regarding Iran's Nuclear Program, including motivation-based and consequence-based arguments in their different variants. Then Iranians' views will be discussed to demonstrate the diversity of approaches to the issue. These include those who reject efforts to obtain Nuclear energy, those who support it, those who are for Nuclear capability, and a minority who are for Nuclear weapons. The main argument here is that a variety of discursive contexts including National Security Discourse, Ideological Discourse, and National Pride Discourse, constitute the significance of Nuclear debates and make them meaningful.

Over the last century, the media has been one of the most important areas of competition for world powers, and especially during the last two decades, cyberspace has entered the field of influencing international relations as one of the fastest growing segments of the media. Cyberspace is a relatively new term used to describe a wide range of networking tools or technologies. Aspects of the impact of media and cyberspace on foreign policy, due to its role in relations between governments, international organizations and politicians, is one of the most influential and challenging areas that has provided the basis for reflecting their priorities, values and ideas. Given the importance of the Nuclear Program in US strategy toward Iran, this article seeks to answer the question of what was the US media strategy towards Iran's Nuclear Program between 2017 and 2020. The present study seeks to use theories related to cyberspace to examine the thematic analysis of the US media and cyberspace strategy on JCPOA between 2017 and 2020. To answer this question, using a qualitative method and using network analysis of themes, an attempt has been made to extract the US media strategy from the most important social network used by Donald Trump. The findings of this study identify six main themes in the US media strategy on the issue of JCPOA and Iran: "threats and intimidation", "humiliation and insult", "recourse to the law", "boasting", "frustration and acknowledging "Defeat" and "Iranophobia".

Today, communication and the role of public opinion and their impact on international events are more important than the past, therefore in studying events such as Iran's Nuclear Program, we cannot be indifferent to international views. In fact, the continuation of Iran' s Nuclear Program forced Iranian officials to find some solutions for it and posed some questions about how this Program transformed into a crisis. In examining the trend which led to the consensus of the Security Council against Iran, paying attention to media activities, statements made by officials of other countries and views of experts are of great importance. The combination of these factors forms the world public opinion orientation towards different issues including Iran's Nuclear Program. In addition to extensive media activities, the effectiveness of views expressed by experts on international trends is considered a determining factor. In this regard, we should emphasize that undoubtedly enhancing Iran's image among the world public opinion will create a major obstacle against forming a consensus by Westerners to impose sanctions against Iran.

The issue of Iran and the Zionist regime can be explained in the framework of the game of zero sum. It means that the existence of this regime is intolerable for the Islamic Republic of Iran and on the other hand, the Zionist regime accused the Islamic Republic of Iran as an existential threat to itself for reasons such as using Iran for its missile power and its Nuclear Program and significant influence in the Islamic world. In this way, this regime will take advantage of the potential and strategic capabilities of the West, including the United States. In this regard, creating a pressure to prevent the development of Iran's Nuclear Program is the security strategy of this regime. On the other hand, after the "deal" Nuclear deal, it was promising that Iran's oil and finance sanctions would be eliminated in exchange for restrictions on Nuclear enrichment. On the other hand, after a Nuclear deal namely “Barjam”, it was promising that Iran's oil and finance sanctions in exchange for restrictions on Nuclear enrichment will be eliminated. This agreement also reflects the consolidation of Iran as the hegemony of the region; an issue that seemed to have been accepted by the United States. But Israeli Prime Minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, condemned Iran's Nuclear weapons as the worst possible outcome in the current situation. And so the Arab Persian Gulf states felt that they had been abandoned. This article examines the status of Iran's Nuclear Program in the Zionist security doctrine.

Security and its maintenance by various ways has been the most important goal of all political unites throughout history. Achieving this goal requires collective effort of international community. Nowadays achieving national security has assumed priority over public policies. In fact, national security is defined within and in term of international security structure. Hence, achieving its vital goals as important as Nuclear Program, states must proceed within the laws of International Atomic Energy Agency and the norms of international community. The failure of obtaining an international consensus on such major policy decision makings may eventually lead to national security threat against the states pursuing policies of international concern.

Although already in South West Asia, the Islamic Republic of Iran is the only country with a Nuclear power plant, but in the coming years, the country will not remain unrivaled in the Nuclear industry. Turkey, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabic are countries that plan to have Nuclear power plant in the future. This paper examines the history, goals and current status of the Nuclear energy Program of the Republic of Turkey. there are most of the initial capacity and historical motives for moving toward Nuclear energy in Turkey. But especially since the AKP came to power in 2002 and the success of Iran's Nuclear Program more attention to Nuclear plant construction in Turkey. The purpose of This paper is examining Nuclear energy Program of Turkey. The main question of paper is, "Why the Turkish government's Nuclear energy Program has followed more than six decades?" It seems that concerns about dependence on energy imports and the quest for energy security are the most important reasons for Turkey to achieve "Nuclear. capability". Review and analysis of the data shows that in the near future Turkey's first Nuclear power plant will be operate.

Over the years the Nuclear Program of Iran and evolution of events related to it has been the focus of international attention which in turn, transformed it into the most important challenge in the foreign policy activities of the Islamic Republic of Iran as well as providing the grounds for an effective role for The European Union and other powers such as the United States and the Russian Federation. The crisis caused as a result of these international policies has been in did a challenge to the East-West relations in the entire decade of 2000. The role that Russia plaid in this crisis has been of particular interest to the onlookers. To some of these onlookers, Russia had from the start adopted a role in this crisis which has basically concentrated on enhancing its own perceived self interest, while coordinating efforts with the West pretended that it supported Iran’s position. This enabled Russia to maximize its interests in relations with the IRI. But when it came to it, Russia’s support for Iran evaporated and replaced sometimes even by cautioning Iran in the way that satisfied Western friends. All along Russia displayed a position of advocacy for Iran and her rights to Nuclear energy as well as opposing military action against her. This situation resulted in adaption of a vague and unclear position vis-a-vis Washington’s decisive and clearly policies of confrontation against Iran’s Nuclear energy Program. The result of this vague and unclear standpoint in Russia’s position has been prolongation of the crisis itself. This research will is designed to answer the question that whether Russia’s adaption of vague policy stance and use of delay tactic has been a factor that prolonged the Iranian Nuclear energy crisis? The results from this research prove this. The method used for this research is use of library and document centres, benefiting from opinion polls and statistics as well as expertise broadcast in the media and information network. The research hypothesis: this research has followed the hypothesis that based on the information processed herein Russia’s delay tactic and prolongation of Iranian Nuclear energy crisis is in keeping with that power’s overall geopolitical competition both with the West globally and with Iran at a regional level.